Optimización de los criterios y técnicas aplicados a la ordenación y restauración hidrológico-forestal de cuencas hidrográficas, desde sus inicios hasta el presente



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INCO-CT2004-510739


EPIC FORCE
Evidence-based Policy for Integrated Control of Forested River Catchments in Extreme Rainfall and Snowmelt

Instrument: Specific Targeted Research Project


Thematic Priority: Specific Measures in Support of International Cooperation, Developing Countries, A.2 Rational Use of Natural Resources, A.2.1 Managing humid and semi-humid ecosystems
Deliverable 11

Analysis of current policy framework V.2
Due date of deliverable: Month 12 completion for Month 14 submission

Actual submission date: Month 14

Start date of project: 1 February 2005 Duration: 36 months
Organisation name of lead contractor for this deliverable: University of Newcastle

(final)




Project co-funded by the European Commission within the Sixth Framework Programme (2002-2006)

Dissemination Level

PU

Public

X

PP

Restricted to other programme participants (including the Commission Services)




RE

Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (including the Commission Services)




CO

Confidential, only for members of the consortium (including the Commission Services)





D11. ANALYSIS OF CURRENT POLICY FRAMEWORK

WP8 TEAM

DEVELOPMENT OF EVIDENCE-BASED POLICY BRIEFS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR WATER AND FOREST RESOURCE MANAGEMENT

UNIVERSITY OF NEWCASTLE UPON TYNE (UK)

Jaime M. Amezaga (editor)



UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL DE COSTA RICA (COSTA RICA)

Miriam Miranda



UNIVERSIDAD DE CUENCA (ECUADOR)

Felipe Cisneros, Bert De Bievre, Tania Muñoz Vicuña,



UNIVERSIDAD AUSTRAL (CHILE)

Jorge Gayoso A, Sylvana Gayoso M



UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL DE LA PLATA (ARGENTINA)

Marcelo Gaviño, Ramiro Sarandón



D11. ANALYSIS OF CURRENT POLICY FRAMEWORK

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface…………………………………………………………………………………..3
D11.1 Costa Rica…………………………………………………………………..5
D11.2 Ecuador……………………………………………………………… …….27
D11.3 Chile………………………………………………………………………...80
D11.4 Argentina……………………………………………… …………………150




PREFACE

EPIC FORCE is a three-year research and development project which commenced on the 1st of February 2005. The project is funded by the European Commission Sixth Framework Programme under the Thematic Priority Specific Measures in Support of International Cooperation, Developing Countries (FP6: INCO-CT2004-510739), A.2 Rational Use of Natural Resources, A.2.1 Managing humid and semi-humid ecosystems.
EPIC FORCE (http://www.ceg.ncl.ac.uk/epicforce/project.htm) aims to improve the integrated management of forest and water resources at the river basin scale through the development of policies based on sound science. Its focus is the impact of forest management on river basin response (in terms of water flow and soil erosion) for extreme rainfall events: this is an area in which there is considerable scientific uncertainty as well as poorly conceived policy. EPIC FORCE will achieve its aims by linking scientific, management and policy research via the following objectives: 1) Development of a generic model for the response to extreme rainfall events in basins under different forest management, to be used as a reference for guiding future management practice: the model will be derived from existing advanced modelling technology and from field studies; 2) Development of improved strategies for integrated forest and water management relevant to extreme events at the basin scale: this will be based on reviews of current management practices and of best practice, along with applications of the generic model and field studies; 3) Development of evidence-based policy recommendations, provision of policy briefs for national agencies and production of recommendations for European and World Bank development policies: this will involve improvement of existing policies in the light of the modelling and management studies, in association with national forest and water agencies.
The project works in focus areas in four countries along the Andean Cordillera and its extension into Central America (Costa Rica, Ecuador, Chile and Argentina). These areas represent a range of humid forest (tropical and temperate) and rainfall/snowmelt (hurricane, El Niño event and mid-latitude depression) regimes with major flood and erosion problems and suffer from a lack of integrated water and forest policies.
This document is the deliverable D11 corresponding to the WP 8 “Development of evidence-based policy briefs and recommendations for water and forest resource management”. It provides reviews of the policy frameworks for the management of extreme events and forest and water resources in Costa Rica, Ecuador, Chile and Argentina. The reviews are based on analysis of documentation and interviews with key stakeholders and members of the National Working Groups established by the project in the four focus countries. Each chapter also includes a summary overview of the common perception on forest and water linkages in these countries. The overviews have been produced by the local teams after project workshop discussion on the current scientific understanding of forest and water relationships.





Project EPIC FORCE
D11.1
Policy Framework Analysis: Costa Rica

UNCR Report

Heredia, Costa Rica

2005

D11.1 Costa Rica


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Executive summary………………………………………………………………………….7

Common perceptions on forest and water in Costa Rica…………………………………8
1. Resemblance of recent extreme events in Costa Rica………………………………….11
1.1 Floods in Sixaola.

1.2 Floods in the Pacific Coast.

1.3 Urban floods as common as raining season episodes
2. Analysis of the institutional environment………………………………………………15
2.1 National Policy Framework for Forest, Water and Agriculture Resources.

2.2 Institutional environment for extreme events


3. Conclusions………………………………………………………………………………..24
4. References…………………………………………………………………………………24
5. Interviewed experts……………………………………………………………………….24
Executive Summary
In Costa Rica, the environmental policy has been mainly based on the principle, which forest resources offer benefits to the Costa Rican society especially and to the humanity in general. Environmental services had been provided by forests since thousands of years ago, but new instruments as the Environmental Services Payment (ESP, Pago por Servicios Ambientales: PSA) had been created as an important social innovation since it creates a monetary compensation to recognize an economical value for them.

The environmental policy has been based on the traditional knowledge, which establishes the fact that forests collaborate positively with the environmental services maintenance. In this sense, environmental instruments are based on the precautionary principle. The recognition of the importance of environmental services has been based on the traditional knowledge and beliefs about positive effects provided by forests, neither on scientific knowledge.

Within the national policy framework, agriculture resources have been separately from water and forest resources. Policies have been designed especially for “environmental issues” –water and forest resources- and “production issues”- agriculture resources-. This situation has ignored that forest and water are highly integrated to soils as part of an ecosystem and their management must be integrated. Even though, the Environmental and Forest Law aim for coordinating actions and productive projects in practice their efforts remain few articulated.

Considering the extreme events, Costa Rica is one of the most exposed countries to negative impacts of extreme events. Even though hurricanes have passed over this country, inundations were not only the 61% of extreme events but also the most important emergencies between 1994 and 2003. Second type of extreme events was landfalls (25.7%), generally produced by excessive water accumulation on soils, and finally, high speed winds also affected some towns (4.2%).


Disasters are part of the national history and the Costa Rican way of life. This situation is a result of combining typical hydro-meteorological conditions with stakeholders surviving strategies, which have to deal with socioeconomic and environmental losses produced by extreme events. Since emergency situations are repeated every year, their impacts are progressively more expensive for local communities and also for national economy.

Common perceptions on forest and water in Costa Rica
In Costa Rica, the environmental policy has been based on the traditional knowledge, which establishes the fact that forests collaborate positively with the environmental services maintenance. In this sense, the policy instruments are based on the precautionary principle. This principle can be defined as follows: when an activity raises threats of harm to human health or the environment, precautionary measures should be taken even if some cause-and-effect relationships are not fully established scientifically.

The recognition of the importance of environmental services has been based on the traditional knowledge and beliefs about positive effects provided by forests, neither on scientific knowledge. In this sense, some investigators defend the idea that the relationship between forests and water remains as a "myth", since it has not been scientifically proved yet (Calder, 1998 and 1999; FAO, 2005). And they are very active in the investigation to demonstrate scientific hydrological services. On the other hand, another experts support the relationship between forests and water such as the environmental services has been doing (Miranda, 2003).

In this sense, there are widespread assumptions that forests help to maintain adequate environmental services supply. Popular knowledge assumes several beliefs related to forests and environmental services positive dynamics.

First one, forests produce more precipitation. In spite of this, the quantity of rain has a clear dependence of scale (Ramos, 2003). To continental scale, the forests seem to increase the quantity of water steam in the atmosphere, which in effect contributes to a major rainfall. Nevertheless to minor scales, the above mentioned loss for evotranspiration is more important than the rainfall, since the water steam in the clouds not necessarily returns the same forest but it moves towards other regions.

In fact, the hydrological role of forests is complex and the precise impact on water supply varies dramatically between places and can also vary in one place depending on such factors as the age and composition of the forest (Natural Resources Defense Council, 2003). According to Barquero, Hernández, and Morera (pers. comm. 2005), there is a positive effect of forests on aquifers recharging process even though every forest loses water for evo-transpiration (Ramos, 2003).

In fact, a forest itself is no a warranty for water supply (Hernández, pers. comm. 2005). Although, the soil of a forest they have a major capacity of infiltration, which decreases on having felled the trees and having changed the use of the soil. Into a forest the soil contains a great quantity of organic matter, as well as a community of organisms that supports a structure opened for the step of the water. Therefore, the soil devoid of vegetable coverage does not allow such a big infiltration towards deeper caps and therefore there leaves more water subject to the superficial erosion, which remains subject to the degree of slope of the area.


Second one, the presence of forests has been considered to be a measurement of efficient protection against the floods and the erosion1. In fact, roots stabilize the soil and help to anticipate the erosion and the slides. In comparison with other environments, the forest ecosystems also have a better aptitude to mitigate floods; due to the fact that the vegetable coverage intercepts the rain and that the soil has a high capacity of infiltration and retention (Ramos, 2003); Jiménez, (2004).
Third one, loss of forests has been related to flooding, since land use change is affecting rivers and supporting catastrophic losses to water quality (Barquero, pers. comm. 2005). The practices of land use in limited areas located upstream can produce a significant impact in the areas located downstream, particularly inside arid zones with high degrees of erosion2. The presence or absence of soil covers, ways and activities of construction also can affect the levels of erosion and sedimentation, in spite of the fact that trees stand firm (Aylward, 2002).
Productive activities, the presence of ways and other constructions strongly affect the natural drainage patterns of the soil. In this sense, forests can reduce floods just inside area of their margins. Since they will have an insignificant impact downstream, where the spillages are given to different degrees from many different sources located in the high of the basin (Kaimowitz, 2001).
Major efforts in research are necessary for developing new knowledge, which clarifies the direct and indirect implications of the forests - environmental services relationship. Since, the weakness of the traditional scientific knowledge and small valuation of environmental services has been translated in their excessive use3. Meanwhile, it is necessary to follow the precautionary principle in order to correct the market failures, which grant a zero price to hydrological services. Rather, to develop financial innovative mechanisms that fix green-adjusted tariffs that recognize the above mentioned services, and therefore grant a more rational use to natural resources.


References
Aylward, B. (2002). Land-use ,Hydrological Function and Economic Valuation. UNESCO Symposium/Workshop on Forest-Water-People in the Humid Tropics, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, July 31-August 4, 2000.
Calder IR. (1998). “Water-Resource and Land-Use Issues”. IWMI SWIM Paper N.3
Calder IR. (1999). The Blue Revolution. Land Use and Integrated Water Resources Management. Earthscan Publications, London. 192 pp.

FAO (2005). Forest Perspectives 2: “Forest and floods. Drowning in fiction or thriving on facts”.

Jiménez, F. (2004). El bosque como regulador del ciclo hidrológico. Centro Agronómico Tropical de Investigación y Enseñanza. Available on World Wide Web http://www.ine.gob.mx
Kaimowitz, D. (2001) Useful Myths and Intractable Truths: The Politics of the Link between Forests and Water in Central America. Working Paper. Center for International Forest Research (CIFOR). San José, Costa Rica.
Miranda, M. (2003). Institutional Capacities for Sustainable Progress. Experiences from Costa Rica. Netherlands Geographic Studies 320, Utrecht.

Natural Resources Defense Council. (2003). What’s On Tap? Grading Drinking Water in U.S. Cities. NRDC, Washington, D.C.

Ramos, G. (2003). ¿Cuánta casa pasa por mi casa? Buscando soluciones exactas y urgentes.

Available on World Wide Web http://www.ejournal.unam.mx/ciencias/no72/CNS07203.pdf




Interviewed experts
Barquero, Ana Isabel. PRIGA-UNA.

Hernández, William. INISEFOR-UNA



Morera, Albert. INISEFOR-UNA
1. Resemblance of recent extreme events in Costa Rica
1.1 Floods in Sixaola.
In January 2005, the Caribbean Region of Costa Rica was affected by the worst hydro-meteorological event registered since 1970. According to the National Meteorological Institute (NMI), 350 millimeters of rain per square meter (mm./m2) fell down in this zone, just between Sunday, the 9th and Monday, the 10th of January, 2005. This number is the highest registered from 1970, when the above mentioned volume reached 290 mm./m2 (ACAN-EFE, 2005).
As a result of this emergency, 4 people died, 2.000 were evacuated and 70.000 were directly affected in 275 different towns. In addition, 5.305 houses were damaged and 17 drinking water supply systems collapsed, which implied that 4.027 sources of drinking water were polluted with mud and faecal mainly.
Considering infrastructure, more than 202 road sections, 27 dikes and 119 bridges were lost, which meant US$ 5.98 million. Moreover, the repairs in bridges and sewer systems cost US$ 1.7 million (Vizcaíno, 2005a and 2005b).
More than 6 214 hectares of banana were lost. It represented 14% of the total productive area of the country. It meant US $31, 5 million for the six million of non exported boxes.
As a result, Dr. Abel Pacheco (President of Costa Rica) claims for moving this traditional inundation zone, after the biggest event since 1970. Sixaola town would become New Sixaola according to the president. However, this initiative is in process because the selected land to relocate Sixaola is pendent to be bought by CNE, nowadays (Fallas, pers. comm. 2006)4.
According to Umaña (pers. comm. 2006), at least new 898 houses are requested to develop New Sixaola. In spite of this, a town includes not only houses but also governmental offices, schools, business activities, etc. However, there is not a legal framework for whole town relocation in Costa Rica, since the National Law of Emergency (Law No. 7914, October 13th, 1999) considers only new houses building.
The existing legislation does not contemplate relocations of commercial establishments and the access to services that any city needs. With the current legislation, only 10 % of the property that is bought to relocation can be destined for green areas, and it is very probable that it is insufficient to construct a field of football and a park (Villegas et al, 2005; Esquivel, pers. comm, 2006). Governmental authorities still do not define if the Sixaola relocation will consider only housing, or also imply spaces for trades, schools, churches, parks, banks, headquarters of Red Cross and governmental offices (Villegas, pers. comm, 2006).

1.2 Floods in the Pacific Coast.
Chorotega Region: During September and October 2005, towns as La Cruz, Santa Cruz, Carrillo, Abangares, Bagaces y Cañas, all located in Guanacaste, were under floods red warning. Overflow of rivers Las Palmas, Tempisque, Bebedero and Cañas produced that 570 people were evacuated and moved to 12 temporal shelters (see box 1).


Box 1. “There is no money”
“I will come back home to check what remains because I have nothing now. I have no money; I can not pay even US$60 for rent. I work as a farmer”. José Felipe Acuña, 40 years-old farmer of Bebedero, Guanacaste.
“We do not know what kind of future is coming for us. At home, there are a lot of non-paid water and electricity bills. Since 15 days ago, I have no money because there is not job available for me”. Freddy López Molina, 42 years-old farmer of Bebedero, Guanacaste.
Source: http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/octubre/16/sucesos2.html



Central Pacific: Overflows of the Parrita River affected 110 houses in the towns of Sitradique and New Pueblo, in Parrita, Puntarenas. However, most of people did not evacuate their homes and 3 CNE temporal shelters remained empty (Esquivel, pers. comm. 2006). People did not leave their houses because of robbery risk. Even though, CNE asked them to go to a temporal shelter in order to reduce the risk of human loss.
The Parrita River destroyed a dock use to protect the community of Pueblo Nuevo. In November 2004, this dock had been affected by an earthquake and two fissures were visible at that time. CNE repaired only one fissure, which cost US$ 50.000 and the other one remained on the dock; because it cost US$ 160.000 and the available budget was insufficient (Carrillo, 2005). But few months later water pressure destroyed finally. This situation was critical since floods almost destroyed the water pump, which provides 600 families from Sitradique, Pueblo Nuevo and La Julieta (see box 2).


Box 2. “…so much water… so much pain”
“It had never seen so much water. I am going to my daughter’s house: mine is flooded. In the years that I have living here it had never seen so much water. The best thing was to remove the house. I lost hectares of banana crop". Mr. Domingo Quesada Fallas, 77 years-old farmer of Sitradique, Parrita in Puntarenas.
“I have lived in here for the last 20 years. Even though this one is not the first flood, I had never seen one that was remaining so much time". Mrs. Consuelo Céspedes, 81 years-old farmer of Parrita in Puntarenas.
“We have suffered very much; it has been very hard for smaller children. My refrigerator does not work. We had to raise the beds. We are sleeping sit on an armchair ". Pastora González, mother of 6 kids of Parrita in Puntarenas.
Source: Vargas, et al (2005).

In Aguirre, 90% of the population of Portalón and its dock were severely affected by floods (see box 3). According to CNE geologists, towns as San Cristóbal, Portalón, El Silencio and El Guabo should be relocated in order to reduce their high risk level. Moreover, rescue teams removed 200 thousand m3 of sediments related to several sliding (source: http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/septiembre/28/ultima-sr501109.html).




Box 3. “I never saw anything like this”
“I lived through the floods of hurricanes César and Juana, but I never saw anything like this. It has been a disaster. They asked me for permission to open a way for my property. In these circumstances one must collaborate, but it worries me that later they forget to do something. I have not given the land ".

Mr. Guillermo Vargas, 78 years-old farmer of Savegre, Aguirre in Puntarenas.


“I lost three hectares of banana. It is my main income source and I do not know I will recover my investment. It worries because in The Guabo there is a prey of sticks that have not gone down". Mr. Guillermo Vargas, 78 years-old farmer of Savegre, Aguirre in Puntarenas.
Source: Vargas, et al (2005).

In Sábalo of Aguirre, floods destroyed not only the electricity distribution network but also the dock (see box 4). There was a lack of drinking water for local farmer, which lost their crops: corn, yucca and banana. Moreover, Mr. Juan Rafael Madrigal 61 years-old farmer spends a whole night on a tree: since his house was completely overflowed. At evening, he was sleeping as usual, when his dogs woke him up, just to discover that water and mud covered his only exit. Then, he climbed a mango tree and waited there until water went down, and he just found his bed where his house was located.




Box 4. Rains made us suffer
“I was a farmer, but my whole crop is gone. There is nothing”. Mrs. Bella Berrocal, 47-years old mother of 6 kids, farmer of Sábalo, Aguirre.
"Rains made us suffer. They were very strong and they took to themselves a part of the field that I had for five years. They were two hectares with banana, corn and pineapple; also, it took a part of my house". Álvaro González Salas, farmer of Sábalo, Aguirre.
"My kids and I had just a little time for going out. The river took to itself the whole house, the hens and the dogs; also it destroyed my corn field and my banana and yucca plantations". Gerardina Parra, housewife of Sábalo, Aguirre.
"There is no electricity because of the river. It destroyed our five meters. We are drinking water from wells ". Mainor Salas Umaña, farmer of Sábalo, Aguirre.
Source: Vargas, et al (2005).



1.3 Urban floods as common as raining season episodes

Every year, the wealth of the rivers increases with the beginning of rains. This situation produces overflows, which damage the infrastructure and houses located next to these riverbeds (see box 5). Traditionally, deforestation in the hydrographic basins has been seen as the main factor for the torrent growing downstream. It is increased by extra water, sedimentation, stones and trunks that are dragged from the mountain, together with the garbage thrown to the riverbeds during dry season (Esquivel, pers. comm. 2005).

In fact, the problem of urban floods is a vicious circle fed by several factors. First one, there is a lack of social and environmental conscience of the neighbors. In this sense, some neighbors of urban areas have a very bad habit related to waste management. Usually, they throw garbage in the sewers, which is one of the principal reasons facilitating urban floods during the raining season (Romero, pers. comm. 2006).


Box 5: Reported urban floods during the first months of 2005
June 26th, 2005: Strong rains provoked floods and slides in Gravilias, Los Guido, Cucubres and San Antonio, of Desamparados in San José. Because of this, local irrigation ditches, creeks and sewers collapsed. In San Pedro of Montes de Oca, Curridabat and San José downtown, sewers over flew and some trees fell down and blocked the streets. This extreme event was provoked not only by 54% higher rains (respect to 2004), but also by a system of sewer that was saturated of solid waste in several points.
July 9th, 2005: Long-term rains provoked floods and slides in Patarrá and San Antonio of Desamparados, in San José. According to the Costa Rican Red Cross, two people died when a land slide buried their house and more than 107 houses were damaged.
Source: Aragón, (2005); Leal, (2005).

An 80% of urban floods are produced by not traditional garbage, which inhabitants throw every day in sewers5. Every year, 4.500 tons of untreated garbage is thrown directly to the Virilla River watershed and its cleaning process costs US$86.402 annually (Loaiza, 2005).

Second one; there is a lack of resources to reconstruct the rain sewers of the metropolitan area -majority obsolete-. The rain sewers of Tibás, Goicoechea, Montes de Oca, and San José do not support the water loads that receive. Considering only in Tibás, to extend the pipelines would cost US$800.000 for the town hall. This amount represents 40% of its annual budget. There are 72.000 inhabitants in this canton, which generate 55 daily tons of wastes (Brenes, 2005).

In all these cases, the Costa Rican State forgot the promises done to dozens of persons harmed during the big natural emergencies (Villegas, 2005). Though in all the cases, a national emergency was declared, not all the damaged housings were reconstructed, all the improvements neither finished that were programmed, there nor came the whole help offered to the farmers6. After every emergency, the governments were raising lists of the affected ones, but they were not opening a process them. They had to do the steps in San José and up to presenting documents that lost, as the certificate of identity.


There is a kind of vicious circle, where inundations happen every year in the same town. Local efforts are lost in time; during response local people receive a lot of support but then governmental organizations change their priorities and communities continue living into the disaster zone. Affected people feel themselves forgot and their social organization remains weak yet. In order to improve this picture, municipalities have to play a protagonist role on risk management and deal with urban development and policies for natural resources management.

2. Analysis of the institutional environment
2.1 National Policy Framework for Forest, Water and Agriculture Resources.
Traditionally, environmental policies have considered water and forest as very important natural resources for the Costa Rican society. Forests are understood as ecosystems that provide environmental services, such as water protection. In this sense, an institutional framework has been developed as part of a very dynamic socioeconomic process through well defined operative and functioning rules and institutional arrangements as follows.
2.1.1 National Policy Framework for Forest Resources. In Costa Rica, the forestry sector has been changing throughout the years, and a new institutional framework has been generated from the agreements and the implemented transactions. This change in the institutional environment relies on different laws that have changed the rules of the game in the forest activities, as the forest laws that granted incentives for the reforestation; but also this change relies on the change of attitude, of customs, of education and others.
Under Environment Law 7554 (1995) and Forest Law 7575 (1996), the Ministry of the Environment and Energy (Ministerio de Ambiente y Energía MINAE) is the institution in overall charge of Costa Rica’s forestry and water sectors. These laws define not only the structure and role of this ministry, but also the roles of its various departments and other bodies that assist in its management task.
Management implications: Within this ministry, there have been delegated the fundamental responsibilities of administration and development of the natural resources. Specifically, in three organs that in practice shapes the State Forest Administration: the National System of Areas of Conservation (Sistema Nacional de Áreas de Conservación: SINAC), the National Fund of Forest Financing (Fondo Nacional de Financiamiento Forestal: FONAFIFO), and the National Forest Office (Oficina Nacional Forestal: ONF) (see box 6).
Within the MINAE, the SINAC is a system of decentralized institutional management, which is responsible for the conservation and sustainable promotion not only in forest sector, but also in wild life and protected areas from the country. The SINAC is conformed by 11 areas of conservation in the whole country7, and a Direction of Technical Support, which work together with the active participation of the local communities near to the protected areas. SINAC defines national policies, and besides, facilitates and orientates the development of the natural resources in each of the areas of conservation, respecting the particular characteristics and the needs of each one8.


Box 6

The State Forest Administration

Organization

Main characteristics

SINAC

It is the result of combining the Forest Headquarter (Dirección General Forestal: DGF), the Service of National Parks and the Wildlife Direction. Its operative structure includes eleven areas of conservation and a unit of central coordination. Each of the areas of conservation operates in territories defined under the direction of a "manager" that coordinates with a Technical Committee and a Regional Committee.

FONAFIFO

It has operative independence. This is a fund in charge of financing, trough loans or other mechanisms of promotion, the payment for environmental services, the managing forest, the reforestation, the fish-ponds, the recovery of depredated areas, and the industrialization and marketing of forest products.

ONF

Its goals are: (1) to agree and to represent the interests of the private sector, (2) to plan the strategic development of the sector, (3) to generate macroeconomic conditions in the long term, (4) to promote mechanisms of coordination and negotiation with the public sector, (5) to elaborate proposals of political forest, (6) to promote the valuation of the forest, (7) to manage financial resources for the sector, and (8) to support the negotiations of the organizations of the sector.

Source: Salas, (2002); Navarrete, (pers. com. 2005); Barrantes, (pers. com. 2005).

On the other hand, the National Forest Office (Oficina Nacional Forestal: ONF), it is a public, not state entity created by the Forest Law No. 7575 (article 7). It is subject to the control on the part of the Contraloría General de la República, in what concerns the use of public funds. The fundamental objective of the ONF is to foment a forest sustainable development of the country, which contributes to the Costa Ricans quality of life improvement. On this respect, the conciliation of interests and the coordination of initiatives are its main instruments (Barrantes, pers. com. 2005).


The Forest Law No. 7575 (article 10) establishes several functions of the ONF. In this sense, ONF is responsible for proposing to MINAE, political and strategies for the suitable development of forest activities, for executing programs of technological training and studies and investigations applied to the forest resources, and for stimulating programs of prevention to protect forest resources against fires, plagues, diseases, erosion, and soils degradation, etc.
Even though, the Forest Law establishes clearly the competitions of MINAE, FONAFIFO and ONF, the interinstitutional coordination inside the State Forest Administration remains weak. The efforts of every organization are very valuable but little articulated to each other9.
2.1.2 National Policy Framework for Water Resources. Considering water resources, the national legislation promulgates that water is not only a public use good but also a public use service. Nevertheless, there is a lack of an Integrated Management of Water Resources (IMWR) into the national framework for environmental policies10. The current administration of water resource is fragmented and dispersed. Five factors contribute with this situation.
First, there is an absence of a national policy for water resources, second, the absence of a governing entity. Third, the independence of the organizations, roles fragmented and isolated of the context of basin, lack of information, and finally, the increasing deterioration of water resources (Segura, et al, 2004).
Management implications: There are regulations and laws about water, but they do not constitute a national policy itself, which should guide the formulation of laws and their application. This lack prevents the definition of priorities between several water users. Weak monitoring related to procedure and established regulations, small evaluation and the monetary extremely low sanction do not play a role of disincentive, which induce the stakeholders to change their conducts of scanty water valuation.

Weakness of the institutional framework is related to water governance. In total, more than hundred fifteen laws and executive decrees authorize the water management on different organizations with diverse roles, functions and interests (see box 7). In this sense, there is an absent national water policy that should be put into practice as part of a national strategy of action for the hydro sector.




Box 7. National Legal Framework for Water Resources
1. Uses and Human Consumption (superficial and underground)

Water Law (No. 276), 1942.

Drinking Water General Law (No. 1634), 1953.

Institute of Aqueducts and Drains Constitutive Law (No. 2726), 1961.

Health General Law (No. 5395), 1973.

Underground Water and Irrigation Constitutive Law (No. 6877), 1983.

Perforation and Exploitation of Underground Water Regulation, 1988.

Quality Drinking Water Regulation (25991-S), 1997.

Tariff for Water Grants; Water Inspector; and Water Office Regulation (No. 26624; 25; 35), 1998.
2. Hydroelectricity and public services

Costa Rican Electricity Institute Constitutive Law (No. 449), 1949.

Public Services of Heredia Enterprise Constitutive Law (No. 5889), 1976 y 1996.

Electrical Cogeneration Law (No. 7200).

Public Services Regulatory Authority Law (No. 7593), 1996.

Municipal Code (No. 7794), 1998.


3. Territorial classification, basins protection and impact

National Institute of Housing and Urbanism Organic Law (No. 1788), 1954.

Urban Planning Law (No. 4240), 1968.

Zone Maritime Terrestrial Law (No. 6043), 1977.

Code of Mining Industry Law (No. 6797), 1982.

Environment Law (No. 7554), 1995.

Forest Law (No. 7575), 1996.

Biodiversity Law (No. 7788), 1998.

Conservation, Management and Soils Use Law (No. 7779), 1998.

Planning and Management of the Reventazón River Upper Watershed Law (No. 8023), 2000.


Source: Segura et al, (2004).

Governmental organizations and civil society have done very important and very fruitful efforts to supply water to the majority of the Costa Rican homes. However, the state enthusiasm for supplying basic services, initiated in the decade of 1960s, decreased considerably two decades later. The investment in water infrastructure, in the last decade, practically was paralyzed and the investment in reparation has not been significant. The interest for water considered only basins protection, meanwhile water infrastructure has depended on good intentions of the governments instead of being a clear, participatory and financed State policy.


In fact, approximately 97.5% of the Costa Rican population has access to the water for human consumption. This data often confuse and hide a critical situation (Proyecto Estado de la Nación, 2005). For example, 98% of the AyA clients and 100% of the ESPH clients receive drinkable quality water. In spite of this, 40% of national population is consuming non drinkable quality water, supplied by the System of Aqueducts and Sewers Administrative Associations (Asociaciones Administradoras del Sistema de Acueductos y Alcantarillados: ASADAS) and some municipal aqueducts. Likewise, only 18 % of the aqueducts use the technical bleach disinfection constantly.
Sanitary sewer is the most chaotic water service (OPS-AyA, 2002). Only 5% of national population has access to a functioning sanitary system, another 95% is using rivers as disposal place for domestic and industrial waste. Moreover, there are severe threats such as over exploitation and underground water pollution, which could affect public health (Valiente y Mora, 2002). This risk situation and the water governance crisis are guiding population to social conflicts related to water access11.
Box 8 summarizes the organizations related to forest and water resources.


Box 8. Organizations related to forest and water resources
There are a number of autonomous and semi-autonomous organizations with specific functions linked to the forestry and water sectors, including the following:

-the Costa Rican Electricity Institute, which uses water resources to generate hydroelectric energy and is responsible for the good condition of catchment areas;

-the Public Services Regulatory Authority, the State agency responsible for regulating electricity and hydrocarbon tariffs, which also grants concessions for private hydroelectric generation;

-the National Energy and Light Company, which carries out rehabilitation activities in catchments areas and along river banks;

-the Agrarian Development Institute, which is responsible for administering and designating national reserve lands for settlement and harvesting by small farmers; it is also responsible for ensuring observance of the principle of the social function of property, through the promotion and exercise of appropriate legal measures;

-the Institute of Aqueducts and Drains, which is responsible for managing and controlling all activities connected with drinking water supplies, the disposal and analysis of sewage and industrial waste, and rainwater in urban areas; it also promotes catchments area conservation and environmental protection;



-the Costa Rican Tourism Institute, with a mandate that includes planning national tourist development; it is closely concerned with ecotourism and tourist promotion policies in protected and coastal areas.

Source: Adapted from Segura et al (2004).



2.1.3 National Policy Framework for Agriculture Resources. During last five decades, the real land use has been determined by economic policies. These policies were characterized by a lack of appropriate planning, and also based almost exclusively on the increase of the farming productivity as their only aim. Degradation of aquifer recharge areas, erosion of soils in some zones, sedimentation of damming and some damages in coastal ecosystems are another negative impacts of these policies (Proyecto Estado de la Nación, 2005)12.
During the period 1980-2000, the structural adjustment strategies launched in Costa Rica entailed substantial economic reforms that changed the role of the state in the agricultural development process. The withdraw of the state favored a new economic paradigm, where the free market can efficiently rule the agricultural sector through the reduction in public expenditure for credit and investment programs, the elimination of price support for staple crops and of input subsides, and the privatization of research and extension programs.
Management implications: The Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock (Ministerio de Agricultura y Ganadería: MAG) is responsible for formulating and implementing policy concerning agricultural and livestock development, which also supports forest genetic improvement through the National Seed Office. The MAG is also devoted to the farming and rural development, based on the economic and social improvement of the country, the quality of life of its inhabitants and the preservation of the natural resources. It should be reached through generation and transference of technology processes, formulation and applying of farming and sanitary policies.
Considering MAG, several governmental organizations are devoted to deal with soil not only as a natural resource but also as a productive one. However, it has produced a lack of organization and coordination among their policy initiatives and productive projects. Waste of resources for duplication, lack of clarity in use limits and dispersion of responsibilities related to stakeholder.
Unfortunately, MINAE and MAG projects remain disarticulated. MINAE deals with projects related to forest and water resources conservation (see box 9). Meanwhile, MAG mainly attempts productive components and the sustainable land use initiatives. Although Land Use, Management and Conservation Law (Law no. 7779) establishes coordination between these two ministries in order to guarantee a land use under environmental management criteria, considering its conservation for productive uses in the future.



Box 9. Organizations related to agriculture resources
Governmental Organizations

Within MINAE

-National Meteorological Institute (Instituto Meteorológico Nacional: IMN).

-National System of Areas of Conservation (Sistema Nacional de Áreas de Conservación: SINAC).

-National Center of Geo Environmental Information (Centro Nacional de Información Geo-Ambiental: CENIGA): deal with the most extensive Geographical Information System (GIS) for the country.



Within MAG

- Institute of Innovation and Transference of Farming Technology (Instituto de Innovación y Transferencia de Tecnología Agropecuaria: INTA).

- Department of Sustainable Agriculture.
Research Organizations

-Research Programme for Urban Development, University of Costa Rica (Programa de Investigación en Desarrollo Urbano Sostenible: PRODUS): devotes to urban growth analysis, and urban planning research.


Non Governmental Organizations (NGO)

-Costa Rican Association of the Soil Science (Asociación Costarricense de la Ciencia del Suelo: ACCS): is conformed by 120 professionals, which work in activities related to research, education or the practical soil managing.


Source: Proyecto Estado de la Nación, (2005).



2.1.4 Relationship between policy and implementation practices. Considering forest resources, Costa Rica has experienced notable progresses during the last decades in the filed of institutions, policies mechanisms and of instruments for the expansion and management of its forests and natural resources. However, a crisis of water resources governance is clear and evident. Moreover, agrochemical products remain as a source of soil and aquifer pollution.
Water resources are in process of deterioration and dangerously threatened. In only five decades, water passed from the water quality and abundance, to its vulnerability and shortage. A set of realities has originated the mentioned crisis: the absence of water integral clear and stable policies, a non- update, static frame and minimal fulfillment legal framework, which has allowed the inefficient use and the water pollution. Moreover, there is a dominant culture of small or no water valuation, even thought it is a vital resource not only for the present and future development of country, but also for biodiversity and national population.
Other factors have favored the water governance crisis. First one, the administrative framework remains weak and limited, considering human resources and infrastructure. Second one, the short term planning and the explosive increase of population and, therefore, of the consumption, have provoked access conflicting problems. Third one, very big and domineering users who in some topics assume legal authorities of governing, such as the Institute of Aqueducts and Drains (Instituto Nacional de Acueductos y Alcantarillados: AyA) and the Costa Rican Electricity Institute (Instituto Costarricense de Electricidad: ICE). Finally, there is a culture of water waste that has characterized the Costa Ricans.
Agriculture resources are seriously endangered by upland deforestation from slash. Burn agriculture causes increased river sedimentation and altered stream flows. The traditional methods of growing coffee and bananas inflict serious damage on soils. Deforestation, erosion, high levels of fertilizers and pesticides, plastic and organic waste are the main environmental problems of traditional farming.
In recent years, there has been a steady increase in the import and use of pesticides in the country. The expansion of cultivation areas for the country's most important products (i.e., banana, fruits and coffee) may be, according to some experts, the cause for this trend. In addition, plague resistance to pesticides and an increase in authorized pesticide exports have contributed to the problem.
Field research has revealed that farmers frequently utilize pesticides above or below the recommended levels, and oftentimes use inadequate products in their agricultural practices (CGR, 2005). An increase in the inadequate use of pesticides is a threat to human health and a cause of soil, air, and underground water pollution, as well as a source of toxicity against flora and fauna.
Demographic growth and increases in consumption patterns are the main causes for the increasing rate in solid waste production throughout the country. The three main sources of solid wastes are domestic, commercial-industrial, and medical. Improperly treated wastes provoke serious environmental degradation, ranging from damages to scenic beauty, ground pollution, to superficial and underground water contamination.
2.2 Institutional environment for extreme events
Main stakeholders. In Costa Rica, the Risks Prevention and Emergency Response National Commission (Comisión Nacional de Prevención de Riesgos y Atención de Emergencias: CNE) is the national organization devoted to deal with emergencies13. CNE was created by the Law No. 4374 (August 14th, 1969). According to the National Law of Emergency (Law No. 7914, October 13th, 1999) its functions include specific actions related to prevention and measure, response and reconstruction for extreme events.
This organization is integrated by a president, the ministers of Public Health, and Public Infrastructure and Transportation. In addition, the executive presidents of the Central Bank of Costa Rica, Costa Rican Social Security Agency, National Production Agency, Agrarian Development Institute, Housing and Urbanism Institute. Finally, it includes a Costa Rican Red Cross representative.
The CNE has established different kinds of committees in order to response to an extreme event. The Emergency Operations Committee (EOC) can be basic (EOCB) or extended (EOCE), according to every extreme event level. EOCB includes the same members of the CNE. Additionally, EOCE includes EOCB members, which work together with Regional Technical Aid Committees (RTAC) representatives.
Regional Emergency Committees (REC) and Local Emergency Committees (LEC) act in the regional and local level. RECS are integrated by regional directors of the governmental organizations and NGOs representatives, which have influence in the same geographical region14. Also, LECS involve communitarian organizations representatives and civil society stakeholders, in order to reach local empowerment for dealing emergency impacts reduction (CNE, 1998; CNE, 2002; Esquivel, pers. comm. 2006).
These committees are doing important efforts to work as CNE partners, but unfortunately in most of the cases, coordination between CNE and REC is active only during the emergency, and LEC are inactive nowadays (Dra. María del Rocío Sáenz Madrigal, Minister of Public Health of Costa Rica)15.
Emergency response. When a big event occurs, Executive Power signs an emergency declaratory, which is the starting point for the official response16. Every inundation response is developed in the next 72 hours after the event was declared as an emergency; this time has to ensure life for affected people. CNE is responsible to cover basic necessities (food and mattress) in affected towns.
When the response time is over, the Instituto Mixto de Ayuda Social (IMAS) becomes responsible to deal with damage or destroyed houses cases, meanwhile inundation are active. The Ministry of Housing (Ministerio de Vivienda y Asentamientos Humanos: MIVAH) studies all the claims for new houses through a special designed state incentive (called Bono Familiar de la Vivienda). Even though, most of the affected families do not fulfill the incentive requirements for a new house in a non-inundation place17. Finally, these people come back to their old houses however they are located into a disaster zone (see box 10).


Box 10: 103 communities under threat of floods
The CNE has declared 103 communities under threat of floods in the whole country. Likewise, 1.050 populations are in conditions of risk, since they are located in zones of earthquakes, volcanic activity, flood, and slide, among other emergencies. Since, there is high vulnerability in Costa Rica, the CNE decided to put in alert the whole population and it has organized 110 committees of alert, during the first semester of 2005. The above mentioned committees are shaped by 1.500 volunteers, whose great majority lives in dangerous zones.
Floods constitute a 90 % of the emergencies attended by the CNE every year. What represents a daily emergency in average, which consumes a budget of $US 7.35 million assigned during the dry station for the repair of damaged infrastructures.
Source: Esquivel (pers. comm. 2006); Madrigal (2005).


Governmental initiatives after extreme events: “The helmet effect”18. In Costa Rica, “the helmet effect” is so strong yet. During every extreme event, politicians travel to the disaster zone and take advance of any chance for speeches and photo sessions with national and international press. The helmeted politicians visit affected families, giving food and asking them for political support and vote calling.
The extreme events issue is politically relevant but also voluble. Immediately after the event, response actions attempt the emergency. But later, other issues -like macroeconomic situation- obtain the priority for governmental organizations and extreme events are relocated as a non priority issue. Until a new inundation occurs and the Executive Power signs a new emergency declaration and a new response are developed.
Solidarity as a business: cultural aspects related to inundations. People directly affected by overflows in Sixaola have a traditional patron of behavior, which is part of a culture created around the governmental emergency response. Most of these men work in agriculture, and lose their employs during the emergency. Moreover, women are mainly housewives with non extra income source. Since they receive none income, a member of each family claims for help, so CNE gives them food and mattress for free during the emergency.
The problem is that some people were claiming for help more than once. For example, people received 1.5 times the meals that they are used to eat under normal conditions (Esquivel, pers. comm. 2006). Although, these families not only saved -did not eat- all this food but also sell it in local markets, when the emergency was over.
There is another kind of vicious circle, where local people think government must help them: distributing food and building houses for free. They do not look for a new employ, because they are receiving official help, and a new house for free is their new goal. Solidarity becomes a business, and a new culture of dependency is created during and after every emergency. Considering this, an institutional capacity building is necessary because local people have to stop the described vicious circle.
Lack of information and myths about inundations: In Costa Rica, there is a lack of good quality information about extreme events. All the information generated by CNE must be considered as approximated data, because it does not correspond necessarily with a real situation (Esquivel, pers. comm. 2006). In this sense, stakeholders send information to CNE, which includes overestimated damage measure not only for the current event but also some previous emergencies. This is a problem since response time information is used by stakeholders for the decision-making process.
The situation described before get worse because there are traditional myths. In the past, people though that inundations were related directly to human death. This conception has changed a little, but some people keep it nowadays. Moreover, there is a lack of a common social vision about disasters, in fact stakeholders attitude is the main limitation for advance policy and innovative practical actions (Dra. María del Rocío Sáenz Madrigal, Minister of Public Health of Costa Rica)19. More education for local communities is very urgent, local knowledge must be used as part of a capacities building process, which also includes technical and scientific data.

3. Conclusions


  • In Costa Rica, the social actors have recognized their active role in the environmental deterioration, and the causal relation between their activities and extreme events.




  • Even though, important changes have developed in the perceptions, the topic of the prevention needs to be even more internalized by the decisions makers and the affected populations, in order to reduce the cyclical character of extreme events and the magnitude of the damages that these provoke.




  • Provided that the extreme events continue being few predictable, the territorial classification, the generalization of more sustainable productive practices and the investment in investigation constitute hanging tasks in our country.




  • Costa Rica should design a new strategic policy for conservation and management of water and agriculture resources. In order to maintain not only the ecological balance but also the social welfare for the present and future generations.




  • Economic activities have to pay for the benefits are reaching as a result of the productive use of natural resources. New financial instrument to internalize the externalities are necessary in order to correct the current market failures.




  • In the short time, a data basis about hydro-meteorological information must be created. There is a lack of this kind of information, because there is not a data basis nowadays. It will consider two important governmental organizations: the Costa Rican Electricity Institute (Instituto Costarricense de Electricidad: ICE) and the National Meteorological Institute (Instituto Meteorológico Nacional: IMN).




  • In the middle time, municipalities must receive technical education about hydrology and overflow protecting infrastructure design. Moreover, civil society has to conduct a monitoring process in order to contribute to reach an integral management for natural resources.




  • In the long time, it is necessary to design a development plan for the Caribbean Region and the Pacific Coast, which established infrastructure building responding to physical and climatic characteristics such as watershed land uses.




  • More environmental education is very urgent. Rational usage of natural resources has to be implemented as part of a waste management capacitating. These actions are strongly necessary to reduce urban floods.




  • A local and national capability building process is also required to an adequate response to extreme events.



4. References
ACAN-EFE (2005). Pérdidas por temporal superan los 25 millones de dólares. La Nación on line. Available on World Wide Web http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/enero/18/ultima-cr2.html

Aragón, I. (2005). Inundaciones en Desamparados. La Nación on line. Available on World Wide Web http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/julio/09/sucesos1.html

Brenes, H. (2005). Tibás se endeuda para recoger la basura. La Nación on line. Available on World Wide Web http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/septiembre/15/pais11.html


Calvo, R. (1997). Desarrollo, control y manejo de las cuencas hidrográficas y áreas de recarga para abastecimiento de agua potable en Costa Rica. En: Academia Nacional de Ciencias (1997). Desarrollo Sostenible: la opción para Costa Rica. Memoria de Simposio. P. 41-51.
CNE (1998). Reglamento de Comités de Emergencia. San José, Costa Rica.
CNE (2002). Memoria Institucional 1998-2002.
Contraloría General de la República (2005). Informe No. DFOE-AM-19/2004 sobre la evaluación de la gestión del Estado en relación con el control de plaguicidas agrícolas. Costa Rica.
Hartley, R. (2002). Aplicación de un Análisis de Múltiples Criterios en el Distrito de La Guácima para una Gestión Integral de su Recurso Hídrico. Tesis de Maestría. CINPE. Universidad Nacional. Costa Rica.
ICE (2001). Bases conceptuales para la gestión de cuencas. San José, Costa Rica.
Imperial, M. (1999). Institutional Analysis and Ecosystems-Based Management: The Institutional Analysis and Development Framework. Environmental Management Vol. 24, No. 4, pp 449-465.
Leal, D. (2005). Fuertes lluvias de ayer provocaron inundaciones. Available on World Wide Web http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/junio/26/pais6.html
Loaiza, V. (2005). Josefinos lanzan por año 4.500 toneladas de basura al río Virilla. La Nación on line. Available on World Wide Web http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/septiembre/09/pais1.html
Madrigal, A. (2005). 103 localidades bajo amenaza de inundaciones en todo el país. Al Día on line. Available on World Wide Web http://www.aldia.co.cr/ad_ee/2005/junio/10/nacionales0.html
Morera, Z. (1992). La Cuenca Hidrográfica como instrumento del ordenamiento territorial. En Unión Mundial para la Naturaleza (UICN) (1992). I Congreso Nacional de Derecho Ambiental. San José, Costa Rica. P. 278-282.
OPS-AyA. 2002. Análisis sectorial agua potable y saneamiento de Costa Rica. Costa Rica. Organización Meteorológica Mundial. 2001. Informe Anual.
Porras, S. (2000). Políticas de educación ambiental. Dirección Sectorial de Energía (DSE) (2000). Revista Energía. N. 32. Julio-Diciembre. San José, Costa Rica. P. 16-17.
Proyecto Estado de la Nación en Desarrollo Humano Sostenible. (2002). Estado de la Nación en Desarrollo Humano Sostenible: Octavo Informe 2001. Proyecto Estado de la Nación. San José, Costa Rica.
Proyecto Estado de la Nación en Desarrollo Humano Sostenible. (2005). Estado de la Nación en Desarrollo Humano Sostenible: Undécimo Informe 2004. Proyecto Estado de la Nación. San José, Costa Rica.
Salas, F. (2002). Innovación y Conocimiento en la Nueva Industria Forestal de Costa Rica. Tesis de Maestría. Centro Internacional de Política Económica para el Desarrollo Sostenible (CINPE). Universidad Nacional. Heredia. Costa Rica.
Segura, O; Miranda, M; Astorga, Y; Solano, J; Salas, F; Gutiérrez, M; Dierckxsens, M; Céspedes, M. (2004). Agenda Ambiental del Agua en Costa Rica. Fundación CRUSA. CINPE-UNA.
Vargas, O; Carrillo, D. (2005). Río se apoderó de Sitradique. La Nación on line. Available on World Wide Web http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/octubre/24/pais3.html
Villegas, J. (2005). Estado se olvidó de afectados por huracanes y terremotos. La Nación on line. Available on World Wide Web http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/abril/10/pais1.html
Villegas, J; Parrales, F. (2005). Surge traba legal para trasladar ciudades. La Nación on line. Available on World Wide Web http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/abril/10/pais1.html
Vizcaíno, I. (2005a). Riesgo sanitario por 4.000 pozos contaminados. La Nación on line. Available on World Wide Web http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/enero/15/pais1.html

Vizcaíno, I. (2005b). Pérdidas en vías llegan a ¢2.800 millones. La Nación on line. Available on World Wide Web http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2005/enero/15/pais1.html



5. Interviewed experts
Barrantes, Alfonso. ONF.

Esquivel, Lidier. Risks Prevention and Emergency Response National Commission.

Fallas, Helio. Minister of Housing Development of Costa Rica.

Funde, Ricardo. Environmental Department, Municipality of San José.

Navarrete, Gilmar. FONAFIFO

Romero, Lorena. Hydrology Department, Municipality of San José.

Umaña, Juan José. Fundación Costa Rica Canadá.

Villegas, Jairo. La Nación Journalist.





Project EPIC FORCE
D11.2
Análisis del marco politico: Ecuador

UCUE Report


Cuenca, Ecuador

2005
INDICE
Executive summary…………………………………………………...……………….30

Common perceptions on forest and water in Ecuador…………………………… .33



D11.1 Costa Rica 6

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 30

1 EVENTOS EXTREMOS EN LA CUENCA DEL RÍO CHANCHÁN CHIMBORAZO-ECUADOR 34

1.1 DIAGNOSTICO DE LA CUENCA DEL RÍO CHANCHÁN 35

1.2 EVENTOS OCURRIDOS EN EL ECUADOR Y EN LA PROVINCIA DEL CHIMBORAZO 35

1.3 INVENTARIO EVENTOS OCURRIDOS EN LA CUENCA DEL RIO CHANCHÁN CHIMBORAZO-ECUADOR 44

1.3.1 ANTECEDENTES 44

1.3.2 LLUVIAS TORRENCIALES 45

1.3.3 INUNDACIÓN Y CRECIDA DEL RÍO CHANCHÁN 46

1.3.4 DESLIZAMIENTO, DERRUMBES Y DESLAVES 46

1.3.5 FENÓMENO EL NIÑO 46

1.3.6 INSTITUCIONES 46

1.3.7 CAUSAS DE LOS PRINCIPALES EVENTOS EXTREMOS EN LA CUENCA DEL RÍO CHANCHÁN 46

1.3.8 EFECTOS DE LOS EVENTOS 47

1.3.9 PRINCIPALES MEDIDAS CURATIVAS IMPLEMENTADAS DESPUÉS DE LA PRESENCIA DE UN EVENTO 47

1.4 PERCEPCIÓN DE LOS ACTORES SOBRE LOS EVENTOS EXTREMOS EN LA CUENCA DEL RÍO CHANCHÁN 59

1.4.1 PERCEPCIÓN DE LOS ACTORES A CERCA DEL TEMA DE INVESTIGACIÓN 59

1.4.2 PERCEPCIÓN DE LOS ACTORES A CERCA DE LOS EVENTOS OCURRIDOS EN LA CUENCA DEL RÍO CHANCHÁN 59

1.4.3 PERCEPCIÓN DE LOS ACTORES SOBRE LOS PELIGROS QUE AMENAZAN A LA CUENCA DEL RÍO CHANCHÁN 60

1.5 PERCEPCIÓN DE PROBLEMAS OCASIONADOS POR EL FENÓMENO EL NIÑO EN LA CUENCA DEL RÍO CHANCHÁN 61

1.6 OTROS PROBLEMAS GENERADOS POR LA OCUPACION Y USO DEL TERRITORIO EN LA CUENCA DEL RIO CHANCHAN 62

1.7 PERCEPCIÓN SOBRE EL MANEJO FORESTAL Y SU SITUACIÓN EN LA CUENCA DEL RÍO CHANCHÁN 63



2. POLITICA DE GESTION AMBIENTAL Y MANEJO DE EVENTOS EN EL ECUADOR 66

2.1 MARCO LEGAL DEL MANEJO AMBIENTAL DEL ECUADOR 67

2.1.1 LEYES PRINCIPALES 67

2.1.2 LEYES ESPECIALES 67

2.1.3 MARCO JURÍDICO PARA LA DESCENTRALIZACION DEL MANEJO AMBIENTAL EN EL ECUADOR 68

2.1.4 REGLAMENTOS 68

2.1.5 NORMAS 68

2.1.6 CONVENIOS INTERNACIONALES 69

2.1.7 DISPOSICIONES DE LEYES PRINCIPALES PARA LA GESTION AMBIENTAL Y EL MANEJO DE RECURSOS NATURALES 69

2.2 DE LAS POLÍTICAS BÁSICAS AMBIENTALES DEL ECUADOR 69

2.2.1 PRINCIPIOS BÁSICOS DE LA LEGISLACIÓN AMBIENTAL EN EL ECUADOR 69

2.2.2 POLITICAS BASICAS AMBIENTALES DEL ECUADOR 70

2.3 INTERPRETACIONES A CERCA DE LA POLITICA 74

2.3.1 MINISTERIO DEL AMBIENTE 74

2.3.2 DE LAS POLITICAS DE GESTION AMBIENTAL A NIVEL SECCIONAL Y MUNICIPAL 75

2.3.4 POLITICAS PARA EL MANEJO DE EVENTOS EXTREMOS A NIVEL SECCIONAL 77

2.3.4 POLITICAS PARA EL MANEJO DE EVENTOS EXTREMOS EN LA CUENCA DEL RIO CHANCHAN 78

3. CAMBIOS PRODUCIDOS EN EL CLIMA DE CHILE LAS ÚLTIMAS DÉCADAS 95

4. FENÓMENOS EL NIÑO Y LA NIÑA Y CAUDALES EN UNA CUENCA DEL SUR DE CHILE 101

105

Figura 7: Relación del caudal del Río Calle-Calle, sector San Javier con la presencia de los fenómenos del Niño y la Niña 105

5. LA EROSIÓN Y LOS EVENTOS EXTREMOS 105

6. REFERENCIAS 106

D11.4 Argentina 150




INDICE DE TABLAS



Tabla 1 Cantones de la Cuenca del Río Chanchán 35

Tabla 2 Cantones de la Cuenca del Río Chanchán 35

Tabla 3 Detalle de eventos ocurridos en el Ecuador de 1587 a 2005 36

Tabla 4 Otros Acontecimientos ocurridos en el Ecuador 40

Tabla 5 Consecuencias Comunes en Eventos Extremos en el Ecuador 40

Tabla 6 Cronología de eventos del niño en Ecuador 41

Tabla 7 Daños humanos ocasionados por el fenómeno El Niñó 1982-1983 42

Tabla 8 Daños económicos y sociales ocasionados por el fenómeno de El niño 1997-1998 42

Tabla 9 Desastres Naturales en la Provincia del Chimborazo 43

Tabla 10 Caracterización de los eventos ocurridos 44

Tabla 11 Gestión Institucional 46

Tabla 12 Inventario de eventos ocurridos en la cuenca del río Chanchán provincia de Chimborazo - Ecuador 48

Tabla 13 Tipo de Amenazas presentes en la Cuenca del Río Chanchán 60

Tabla 14 Problemas de la Cuenca del Río Chanchán 61


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